The Roadmap for Moving to a low-carbon economy in 2050 states that the objective of the European Union policy for Energy and Climate is to reduce its CO2 emissions to 80 % below 1990 levels. First, the article explains that decarbonisation within this framework does not only mean a transition towards renewable energy, but also changes in the use of ‘clean’ fossil fuels, in type and location. Secondly, it shows that the investment, infrastructures and treaties proposed to carry out this transformation will lead to the creation of bigger monopolies, and to the regionalization of the European energy space. Finally, we conclude by saying that if measures to offset the power of the monopolies are not applied, the outcome of these reforms will be the creation of energy baronies.

The sustainability of the European Union depends upon reducing its structural divergences. Under this premise, and taking into account that R&D policies are key to transforming productivity in EU countries that are technologically less advanced, the European Commission obtained from each of its member states commitments regarding the efforts towards R&D (expenditure as a percentage of GDP) that they would be making by the year 2020. In this study we demonstrate the unlikelihood of these commitments being fulfilled, especially in those countries with a greater need for productive transformation, of which Spain is one example. This predicted failure is heavily influenced by the austerity measures imposed on the aforementioned countries by the very same European Commission, which resulted in major cuts in their R&D expenditure. In this context, the EU is moving towards greater degrees of divergence, generating serious doubts about its continued feasibility.

This article seeks to evaluate the institutional changes implemented in recent years to reform the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). With this aim in sight, it starts with a brief reminder of the institutional structure the EMU was initially given. It then reviews in greater detail the sequence of crises that have blighted the single currency since the major recession in 2008. Particular attention is given to the difficulties encountered by the Eurozone in deactivating the links that created knock-on effects exacerbating three simultaneous crises: in growth, sovereign debt and banking. In this context, the main institutional changes in the EMU are linked to the transmission channels of these three crises. Finally, there is analysis of whether or not these institutional innovations – which in fact constitute a new EMU – improve its future sustainability. The final conclusion is not especially encouraging.

In the last three decades, network industries have experienced major changes the world over. It can be presumed that they will continue to do so, driven by technological and economic changes and also by the campaigns of interest groups framed by institutional and ideological parameters. In the European Union these changes have seen a growing degree of involvement at the community level, without reaching the point of creating European networks. Paradoxically, this could be beneficial for the resolution of certain dilemmas that arise in an electricity sector where a European demos is not well established, a factor that is problematic in other aspects. A consolidated European demos would require a consolidated European political arena, European public with European political parties and lobbyists working at a European level, and so on. The reason this lack of development of a European demos may be favourable to sectors such as electricity or communications is that it can stop public interventions in these sectors from being made into political issues. Although the European Union has already played an important role in increasing competition in these sectors, it may play a much more important role in a future that advances towards a market that is truly integrated, in which networks of a real European scope exist.

The EU remains well ranked in many indicators of global competitiveness, with extra-EU trade showing very good figures for both goods and services. This is in spite of the recent growth problems that have affected intra-European trade. The quality of European exports, the role of manufacturing in Europe and the capacity to sustain creative and innovative dynamics are all significant positive performers that must be kept in full swing, in the face of growing pressures from emerging economies in all these areas. To do this requires reinforcing the EU's position as a global actor, and involving a growing critical mass from within the productive sector. In addition, tendencies towards mega-regional trade agreements – with agreements projected on the Atlantic and Pacific stages – propose new ways of establishing rules in global trade, something that calls for a carefully composed response from the EU.

In the last three decades, network industries have experienced major changes the world over. It can be presumed that they will continue to do so, driven by technological and economic changes and also by the campaigns of interest groups framed by institutional and ideological parameters. In the European Union these changes have seen a growing degree of involvement at the community level, without reaching the point of creating European networks. Paradoxically, this could be beneficial for the resolution of certain dilemmas that arise in an electricity sector where a European demos is not well established, a factor that is problematic in other aspects. A consolidated European demos would require a consolidated European political arena, European public with European political parties and lobbyists working at a European level, and so on. The reason this lack of development of a European demos may be favourable to sectors such as electricity or communications is that it can stop public interventions in these sectors from being made into political issues. Although the European Union has already played an important role in increasing competition in these sectors, it may play a much more important role in a future that advances towards a market that is truly integrated, in which networks of a real European scope exist.

The Economic Monetary Union project was founded with the expectation that a greater level of macroeconomic stability would help to improve living conditions for the European population, especially in countries with lower incomes. Labour productivity is one of the main indicators of an economy's international competitiveness, and is also a measure of a society's capacity to improve its wellbeing. Analysis of the project's evolution demonstrates how possibilities for convergence in productivity are conditioned by the economic growth model in place, and also by the strategy used in response to the financial crisis.